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In 1812, eight American missionaries, under the direction of the recently formed American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, sailed from the United States to South Asia. The plans that motivated their voyage were ano less grand than taking part in the Protestant conversion of the entire world. Over the next several decades, these men and women were joined by hundreds more American missionaries at stations all over the globe. Emily Conroy-Krutz shows the surprising extent of the early missionary impulse and demonstrates that American evangelical Protestants of the early nineteenth century were motivated by Christian imperialism-an understanding of international relations that asserted the duty of supposedly Christian nations, such as the United States and Britain, to use their colonial and commercial power to spread Christianity. In describing how American missionaries interacted with a range of foreign locations (including India, Liberia, the Middle East, the Pacific Islands, North America, and Singapore) and imperial contexts, Christian Imperialism provides a new perspective on how Americans thought of their country's role in the world. While in the early republican period many were engaged in territorial expansion in the west, missionary supporters looked east and across the seas toward Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. Conroy-Krutz's history of the mission movement reveals that strong Anglo-American and global connections persisted through the early republic. Considering Britain and its empire to be models for their work, the missionaries of the American Board attempted to convert the globe into the image of Anglo-American civilization.

Missions, American --- Political messianism --- Christianity and politics --- History --- American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions --- History.

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This is a book about the need for redemptive narratives to ward off despair and the dangers these same narratives create by raising expectations that are seldom fulfilled. The quasi-messianic expectations produced by the election of President Barack Obama in 2008, and their diminution, were stark reminders of an ongoing struggle between ideals and political realities.Redemptive Hope begins by tracing the tension between theistic thinkers, for whom hope is transcendental, and intellectuals, who have striven to link hopes for redemption to our intersubjective interactions with other human beings.Lerner argues that a vibrant democracy must draw on the best of both religious thought and secular liberal political philosophy. By bringing Richard Rorty’s pragmatism into conversation with early-twentieth-century Jewish thinkers, including Martin Buber and Ernst Bloch, Lerner begins the work of building bridges, while insisting on holding crucial differences in dialectical tension. Only such a dialogue, he argues, can prepare the foundations for modes of redemptive thought fit for the twenty-first century.

Hope --- Hope --- Hope. --- Jewish philosophy. --- Political science --- Reconciliation --- Religion and politics. --- Religion --- Enlightenment. --- Pragmatism. --- democracy. --- liberalism. --- messianism. --- postmetaphysical. --- postmodern. --- redemption. --- religion. --- secularism. --- solidarity. --- transcendance. --- Religious aspects --- Judaism. --- Religious aspects. --- Philosophy. --- Religious aspects. --- Philosophy. --- Rorty, Richard --- Political and social views. --- Enlightenment. --- Pragmatism. --- democracy. --- liberalism. --- messianism. --- postmetaphysical. --- postmodern. --- redemption. --- religion. --- secularism. --- solidarity. --- transcendance.

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The modern nation is an organisational form of society that has undergone numerous changes throughout history. The concept of the nation in Europe in the nineteenth century has been posed and answered in the past, but, as the basic conditions of its existence change, it is essential that this important question be asked again.Without doubt, the modern nation realizes the promises of solidarity and community which are so attractive to the masses, and has a profound effect on identity formation. Without these structures originally put in place by civil society, self-organization as the implement

Nationalism --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Political science --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- History --- Europe --- Council of Europe countries --- Eastern Hemisphere --- Eurasia --- Politics and government --- Civilization

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"Excellent collection of short essays, some original and some translated, on state and ethnicity in 19th-century Central America. Contributors include Demyky, Gudmundson, Taracena, Acuña, Palmer, Lindo-Fuentes, Barahona, Woodward, Euraque, Little-Siebold, Lauria, and Gould"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.

Nationalism --- Nationalisme --- History --- Congresses --- Congrès --- Central America --- Amérique centrale --- Politics and government --- Politique et gouvernement --- Congrès --- Amérique centrale --- Congresses. --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Political science --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- Mercado Común Centroamericano countries --- politique --- identité --- Etat moderne --- nationalisme --- ethnie

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French language --- Language and languages --- Nationalism. --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Political science --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- Langue d'oïl --- Romance languages --- Social aspects. --- Political aspects. --- Language and languages Political aspects --- Political aspects